1823 The Monroe Doctrine
[The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's seventh
annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823]
. . . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the
minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have
been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg
to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of
the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal
has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain,
which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States
has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value
which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and
their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government.
In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements
by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting,
as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are
involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition
which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered
as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort
was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people
of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results have been so far
very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter
of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens
of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the
liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic.
In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we
have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so.
It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent
injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this
hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes
which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political
system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from
that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved
by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of
their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled
felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor
and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those
powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power
we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments
who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence
we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we
could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in
any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward
the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we
declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we
have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur
which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of this Government,
shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable
to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe
is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced
than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any principle
satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal
concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on
the same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose
governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and
surely none of them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard
to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so
long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same,
which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers;
to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us;
to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations
by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims
of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those
continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is
impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to
any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness;
nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves,
would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore,
that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference.
If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those
new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious
that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United
States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will
pursue the same course. . . .